Michael Parenti

Accusations of Bosnian genocide denial

Historian Marko Attila Hoare wrote that To Kill a Nation was "simply an outright apologia for Milošević and his regime. Period...", stating that Milošević himself had written the book's foreword. Hoare described the book as "simply worthless", stating that Parenti had mistakenly called the pre-1991 Yugoslavia the FRY (Federal Republic of Yugoslavia), despite it actually being named the SFRY (Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia), and criticized Parenti's sources as citing "the same or other similar authors in support of the same set of allegations, creating a closed circle of mutually supporting references that substitute for any genuine documentation or historical enquiry."[34]

According to David Walls, writing in New Politics, in Project Censored's 2000 volume, Parenti denied reports of genocide and mass rapes committed in Bosnia, writing: "Hyperbolic labeling takes the place of evidence: "genocide," "mass atrocities," "systematic rapes," and even "rape camps" - camps which no one has ever located."[35]

The Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB) and the Balkan Witness website characterized Parenti's views as Bosnian genocide denial. In 2012, after the San Jose Peace and Justice Center invited Parenti as a guest speaker, the CNAB published an open letter criticizing the Center's decision and stating that Parenti denied genocide and ethnic cleansing occurred in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as "publicly disregard[ing] that approximately 50,000 Bosniak women were raped" during the war.[36] According to Balkan Witness, Parenti minimized the number of Muslims murdered in the Srebrenica massacre and, after Bosnian supporters in 24 countries wrote over 500 letters to the peace group, Parenti's speech was cancelled.[37] In 2013, the Institute for the Research of Genocide, Canada criticized Lone Star College's decision to have Parenti appear at a speaking engagement, characterizing his views as genocide denial.[38]

Summaries of published work

The first notable book in Parenti's writing career was Democracy for the Few. Originally published in 1974, it has since gone through nine editions and been used as a textbook in college political science courses. Democracy for the Few contains a critical analysis of the workings of American government with particular focus on the relationship between economic power and political power.[39]

Parenti's Inventing Reality: The Politics of the Mass Media (1986)[40] was reviewed by multiple scholarly journals[41][42][43] and by Michael Pollan in The New York Times. Pollan wrote: "By documenting patterns of conservative bias in a dozen major news stories in the printed and broadcast press, Inventing Reality provides a valuable rebuttal to the drumbeat of criticism of the news media from the right. Unfortunately, Mr. Parenti is so simplistic and doctrinaire in accounting for this bias that he makes his book easy to dismiss." The reviewer went on to note how the author "paints the press in such broad, Marxist strokes that he ignores many details. He cannot, for example, adequately account for episodes of courage and independence, as during Vietnam and Watergate."[44] In a response to the review published as a Letter to the Editor, Parenti challenged Pollan's negative assessment.[45]

Parenti continued his exploration of mass media in Make-Believe Media: The Politics of Entertainment (1992).[46] The book dissects numerous popular movies and TV programs which, in Parenti's view, "have propagated images and themes that support militarism, imperialism, racism, sexism, authoritarianism, and other undemocratic values."[47] He describes what he believes is a pattern of unflattering portrayals of working-class people and trade unions,[48] and he disputes the notion that the major studios are "giving audiences what they want." Other leftist writers have been influenced by his media critiques, for instance, Tabe Bergman echoes Parenti's claim that "hegemony-undermining information and views" usually fail to get aired.[49] In Through Jaundiced Eyes: How the Media View Organized Labor, William Puette lists Parenti's seven generalizations for how the media depict labor struggles.[50] In a 2014 article on how the news and entertainment media "sell" counterterrorism, Brigitte Nacos and Yaeli Bloch-Elkon joined with Parenti in rejecting the conservative charge that Hollywood is "a den of leftist shills",[51] and instead argued that "Concentrated corporate ownership and the influence of Pentagon, CIA, NASA, and other government agencies on war movies in particular" were providing political entertainment to generate sympathy for the status quo and America's use of political violence.[52] In his foreword to Matthew Alford's 2010 book Reel Power: Hollywood Cinema and American Supremacy, Parenti reiterated several of the points from Make-Believe Media.

Along with his interest in mass media's role in society, Parenti regularly published articles and books on cultural matters, e.g., "Reflections on the Politics of Culture", in which he agrees with Antonio Gramsci that culture "is largely reflective of existing hegemonic arrangements within the social order, strongly favoring some interests over others."[53] He further develops this idea in his books Land of Idols, Superpatriotism, The Culture Struggle, and God and His Demons.[54][55]

In a Los Angeles Times review, political commentator Kevin Phillips dismissed Parenti's The Sword and the Dollar: Imperialism, Revolution and the Arms Race (1989) as a Marxist polemic, "albeit flavored with scholarship and sprinkled with footnotes".[56] Phillips faulted Parenti for a biased comparison of U.S. and Soviet imperialisms, and for citing sources that too often included "New York's Monthly Review Press, International Publishers, Progress Publishers of Moscow and the like. One has visions of gray East Bloc bookstores and Upper West Side of Manhattan coffeehouses."[56][57]

Dirty Truths: Reflections on Politics, Media, Ideology, Conspiracy, Ethnic Life and Class Power (1996) contains Parenti's most wide-ranging collection of writings. Among its essays are "Fascism in a Pinstriped Suit" on the possibility of American fascism arriving subtly and gradually rather than intruding in a nightmarish "Big Brother" fashion; "Now for the Weather" on how even TV weather reports can be politicized; and "False Consciousness" on why the lower classes sometimes adopt the opinions and attitudes of the upper classes.[58] In two essays on the JFK assassination, he breaks ranks with fellow leftists such as Noam Chomsky by giving credence to skeptics of the official government narrative.[59] He also explores what he calls "Conspiracy Phobia on the Left".[60] Dirty Truths concludes with autobiographical sketches and poems.

Parenti's provocative 1997 book Blackshirts and Reds: Rational Fascism and the Overthrow of Communism begins by examining the ideological underpinnings of European fascism in the 1920s and '30s as well as its incarnations as neofascism. He then takes the controversial position of defending the Soviet Union and other communist countries from reflexive condemnation, arguing that they featured a number of advantages over capitalist countries, e.g., by ensuring less economic inequality. He summarizes his approach in the Preface to Blackshirts and Reds: "This book invites those immersed in the prevailing orthodoxy of “democratic capitalism” to entertain iconoclastic views, to question the shibboleths of free-market mythology and the persistence of both right and left anti-communism, and to consider anew, with a receptive but not uncritical mind, the historic efforts of the much maligned Reds and other revolutionaries.[61]" He later argues that the Soviet Union's "well-publicized deficiencies and injustices" were exacerbated by the Russian Civil War, the Nazi-led multinational invasion, and by non-military modes of capitalist intervention against the Eastern Bloc. Moreover, he claims that "pure socialists" and "left anticommunists" had failed to specify a viable alternative to the "siege socialism" implemented in the Soviet model.[62] By offering a rare defense of 20th century Communism, Blackshirts and Reds has elicited strong reactions from anarchist and Communist publications.[63][64]